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Showing posts with label Constitutional. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Constitutional. Show all posts

Thursday, 22 August 2013

Media Conglomerates and “Well Informed Electorate”

This draft is an attempt to draw the attention of the Law Scholars for a reasoned discourse on the obligations and responsibilities of the “PRESS” in this age of Media Conglomerates and its co-relation with a “Well Informed Electorate”. Under present scenario  I am trying to establish the legal rights of Indian citizens to compel  Mass Media to provide the Indian people with the information it needs to perpetuate the people’s government  created by constitution. In my view , the country is in danger of becoming aRegimented-Autocratic State, where the unrestrained power of private corporations led by un-elected persons is stronger than the combined power of the individual citizen in the country.
Under the constitution, India is a Democratic Republic and the Preamble of its constitution contains both Freedom of Expression and Freedom of Thought. The country is governed by a government elected by qualified electorate through parliamentary system.
The right of “Freedom of Expression” is synonymous to “Freedom of Speech”, though in practice “Freedom of Speech” is not absolute in any country and is subject to certain limitations.
The right of Freedom of Speech is recognized as a Human Right under Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and recognized in International Human Rights Law in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ( ICCPR ) .
The constitution of India – Part III – Article 19 (i) guarantees “Freedom of Speech and Expression”. No doubt, the concept of democratic republic is that of Self-government by the people. For such a system to work an “Informed Electorate” is necessary. In order to be appropriately knowledgeable, there must be no constraints on the free flow of information and ideas. According to Meike John, democracy will not be true to its essential ideal if few persons are able to manipulate the electorate by withholding in-formations or imparting information and ideas of their own interest. It is important to note that the desire to manipulate opinion for personal reasons negates the democratic ideals.
Through this draft I want to spell out two important concepts of democracy i.e. “People’s Right to Know” and a “Well informed Electorate”. In a democratic country with an elected government, the ultimate decision –makers are the electorate. I repeat – The Electorate.
Through their sovereign power, which is delegated through the vote, they determine who the representatives of the people will be, and these representatives determine the current direction of the government. By determining the government’s current direction, these representatives determine the future of our government and future of our country.
The decision-making power of the Electorate is a fundamental aspect of the representative government. Take away the decision-making power of the electorate and you destroy the basis of a democratic government.
How it is possible to erode and degrade the decision-making power of the electorate?
Through regimentation of the minds of people by monopoly, mass media may be one of the possibilities. Look at the following:-
Today we live in a world, which is changing so rapidly that receiving the best information possible is indispensable. If we are not getting the “Entire” picture, if we are not getting unbiased information, then we are unable to make “Informed” decisions. I quote Bagdikian – “…Ignorance of Economic and Political change is destructive of democracy and fatal to intelligent decision making”.
More than at any time in our history, we depend on the Mass Media to inform us about what is occurring, about the “news”. It is the mass media, which decide what “Is” the news. The mass media become the authority at any given moment for what is true and what is false, what is reality and what is fantasy, what is important and what is trivial.
In fact the democratic consent of the governed is meaningless unless the consent is“informed consent”.
However, unfortunately, modern technology and rising Indian economics have quietly created a new kind of authority over information – the monopoly media groups. Few people who head these groups virtually constitute a new private Ministry of Information and Culture. While it is not possible for the media to tell the population what to think, they are now in a position to tell the public what to think about.
The First Press Commission of India had held ‘Journalism’ as a ‘Public Utility Service’, which by now has evolved as Market Oriented Corporate Business.   Newspapers have become big business. Chains of Newspapers, National Newspapers, Electronic Media and News services are the dominant features of a press that has become non-competitive and enormously powerful and influential in its capacity to manipulate popular opinion and change the course of events.
The elimination of competing newspapers in most of our states and large cities and concentration of control of media in the hands of corporate houses is an important component of present trend. Thus, few persons have control of ‘outlets’ to inform the public.
Just two decades back the number of small and medium newspapers registered with DAVP in our country was above 7,000, which in 2008 have come down below 3,000.
I came across a recently launched newspaper at Hyderabad providing 48 glazed paper prints for Rs. 2 only. I was told that the publisher, who happens to be a family member of senior local politician, has marked a sum of Rs. 6,000 / Crores for the newspaper. Such publisher sell their product (news-paper) for about 3/4th  less than they pay for them. What is the motive behind? Certainly- not the public utility service.
You pay money for your newspaper to get news, views, entertainment and hard news. However, publishers are not much interested in what type of paper you want, instead they submit to the demands of their advertisers and political mentors
Here I would like to draw your attention towards the constitutional guarantee of Freedom of Trade or Business, but while granting this freedom certain qualifications and conditions have been marked under the constitution of India – Part III – Article 19 (vi).
The above scenario is perplexing and might damage the very SOUL of our constitution – The Democratic Republic of India.
The Parliament has an obligation to ensure that a wide variety of views and hard news reach the public. Simultaneously steps should be taken that under the shadow of Indian constitution Part III , Article 19 (VI) “Freedom to Practice any Profession or to carry on any Occupation, Trade or Business ”is not  wittingly used to erode the decision-making power of the electorate converting him from “Well-Informed Electorate”  to “Regimented Electorate”.
The Government of India may constitute a high power competent committee for comprehensive study of the present trend in the ongoing situation and may also seek representatives of the government in such a committee (if it deems so) , so that the impending threat of regimentation of the thoughts of the electorate could be ruled out.

Thursday, 1 August 2013

No Right to Life

No… this article doesn’t refer to the Right to Life that is guaranteed to each and every person in India, under article 21 of the Constitution of the Republic of India. On the contrary, it refers to the Right to life… or rather, put in better terms, the Right to Existence of the various states of the Union of India, under the federal structure proclaimed by the makers of our Constitution!!
The form of the Indian Constitution is supposedly Federal in nature.
‘The essential characteristics of a Federal Constitution… are present in the Indian Constitution.’
—— Page A-30 of Constitution of India by V.N. Shukla
According to Professor V.N. Shukla, ‘… the nature of our Constitution is Federal and that none of the terms of the Constitution violate the essentials of a federal polity.’
—— Page A-33 of Constitution of India by V.N. Shukla
In the case State of West Bengal v. Union of India, AIR 1963 SC 1241, Justice Subba Rao, in his dissent, had argued strongly treating the Indian Constitution as Basically Federal.
However, some scholar/institutions hesitate to characterise the Indian Constitution as truly federal because according to them, in certain circumstances the Constitution empowers the Centre to interfere in the state matters and thus places the states in a subordinate position which violates the Federal Principle.
For example, in the above mentioned case, i.e. State of West Bengal v. Union of India, the Supreme Court had held by majority, led by Chief Justice Sinha, that the Constitution is not truly federal.
Professor M.P. Singh, through his writing in M.P. Singh: Indian Federalism: Structure and Issues, lays down that he does not accept the stand that the Constitution of India is federal in the sense in which the known federal constitutions are. He follows somewhat of a similar position as has been taken by the Supreme Court, that the Constitution has some federal features but it does not fully accord with any established model of federalism.
There is also, the existence of such views, which question whether the Constitution of India can be said to be a federal Constitution at all ? They are, at best, amenable to the opinion that the Constitution is ‘quasi-federal‘ or ‘unitary with federal features‘ at best.
According to K.C. Wheare, ‘the specific provisions on the basis of which it is asserted that the fundamental postulate of a federal polity that the Central and State Governments functioning under it are coordinate authorities, each independent within its own sphere, is so greatly modified in the relationship between the Union and the State under the Indian Constitution, that the Indian Constitution cannot be called a federal Constitution. Wheare holds that the Constitution establishes a system of Government which is at the most ‘quasi-federal’, almost devolutionary in character, a Unitary State with subsidiary federal features rather than a federal state with subsidiary unitary features.
—— K.C. Wheare: India’s New Constitution Analysed.48 All LJ 21
A similar view has been put forth by Professor P.K.Tripathi in Federalism: The reality and the Myth, 3J. Bar Council of India,251 (1974).
However, all such evaluations of the degree of federalism enshrined within the Constitution of India has been generally made with reference to the emergency related provisions that have been laid down in it, emergency being such a period, when the normal distribution of power between the Centre and the States undergo a vital change. The Parliament gets empowered to make laws with respect to any matter enumerated in the State List and it also gets empowered to give directions to any State as to the manner in which the State’s executive power is to be exercised. Moreover, Article 356 is cited by the detractors of the view that the Indian Constitution is a federal one, as an example wherein the States are shown to be in a subordinate position to the Centre. Under this Article, if the President is satisfied that the Government of a State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution, then he can dismiss the State Ministry and dissolve the Legislature and assume all functions of the State.
It is alleged by the detractors that these provisions enable the Union Parliament to convert the Union into a unitary State, which vitally affects the federal character of the Indian Constitution.
Along with the above mentioned provisions, another provision of the Indian Constitution, which is generally overlooked while discussing the character of the Constitution, can be cited to support the view that not only does the Constitution fail to be ‘truly federal’ in character, but it also goes very close to being a ‘unitary’ Constitution having certain ‘subsidiary federal characters’, in reality.
The provision being talked about in the above paragraph is Article 3 of the Constitution of the Republic of India. Article 3 of the Constitution of India deals with the ‘Formation of new States and alteration of areas, boundaries or names of existing States’.
Quote the section:-
The Indian Constitution, vide Article 3, has empowered the Parliament of India to alter the boundary and/or name of any State/States arbitrarily and unilaterally. In order to do any of the above mentioned work, a Bill to this effect must be compulsorily introduced in the Parliament. The Bill thus introduced, must satisfy at least two conditions.
1. The concerned Bill has to be introduced in either House of the Parliament, only on the recommendation of the President, and
2. If the Bill affects the area, boundaries or name of any State, then the President is required under Article 3, to refer the Bill to the Legislative Assembly/Assemblies of the concerned State/States, so that they can express their views regarding the Bill. The President is compulsorily required to specify in the reference, the period within which the concerned State Legislative Assembly/ Assemblies are supposed to express their views regarding he Bill introduced in the Parliament, under Article 3. The period so specified by the President can be extended by him, for such time as he may deem fit. However, if the opinion of the concerned State Legislature/Legislatures is/are not received within the specified or extended time, then the second condition shall automatically stand fulfilled.Thus, the Bill may be introduced in the Parliament even though the views of the concerned State/States have not been obtained by the President.
Now, what if the concerned State/ States expresses its/their views within the specified time and such views go against the proposal contained in the Bill? Nothing… nothing at all happens. The Parliament can still go ahead with the Bill and pass it, to make it into a law, against the wishes of the State Legislature/Legislatures. It was held in Babulal Parate v. State of Bombay, AIR 1960, SC 51, that if the State Legislature expresses its views within the time so specified and extended, the Parliament is not bound to accept or act upon the views of the State Legislature. It was further stated in the above mentioned case, that a fresh reference to the State Legislature is not necessary for an amendment of the Bill, if the amendment is proposed and accepted in accordance with the rules of procedure of Parliament and is germane to the subject-matter of the original proposal or is not a direct negation of it. The same was upheld in re, Berubari Union, AIR 1960 SC 858 at p. 860, wherein it was stated that it is not necessary to make a fresh reference to the State Legislature every time an amendment to the Bill is proposed and accepted.
Hence, it can clearly be understood from above that it is totally on the whims and fancies of the Centre, that the existence of a State of the Union depends. That the States do not have any right to existence and is subject to the sweet will of the Central Government, for their existence!! Thus, in accordance with the provisions of Article 3 of the Constitution, the Parliament may form a new State or alter the boundaries, name etc. of the existing ones and thereby change the political map of India vide a simple majority in the Parliament and by ordinary legislative process. This Article is merely held to be an example of the flexibility of the Indian Constitution by the proponents of the view that the Constitution is majorly federal in character. But the detractors may pretty well point out that it may be termed as a provision that actually hits the federalism present in the Constitution, where it hurts the most, i.e. by gifting the very life line of the States to the Centre, thereby making their subjugation and subordination at the hands of the Union Government that much more blatant and complete.

Wednesday, 24 July 2013

Should India resort to Presidential System?

The ruckus in the Parliament over the Lokpal Bill makes one to think that whether this Westminster form of democracy is anymore suitable for India. 
The Westminster or Parliamentary form of Democracy has its roots in the United Kingdom.  In this form of democracy there is a Head of the State(The President in India) and a Head of the Government(the Prime-minister in India) and legislature. The Legislature can be unicameral(single House) or bicameral(two houses).  The lower House consists of elected representatives of the people and the Upper House consists of the representatives from States on proportionate basis.   The Lower House consists of Government benches(called Treasury Benches) and opposition benches. All the Bills are to be passed by both the houses through a simple majority whereas, any amendment in the Constitution can be brought about by two-thirds majority.
The Head of the Government i.e. the Prime-minister holds the maximum power in theWestminster model of democracy. The prime-minister is elected by the Elected Representatives of the People. Generally, the leader elected Party having the majority in the Parliament is designated as the Prime-minister. In case, no party is having majority, the group of parties coming together in an alliance and having majority can elect their Prime-minister. 
The main shortcomings of the Westminster Model of democracy are :- 
1. The Head of the Government is not chosen by the people directly. The people only  choose the party to vote for and the majority party then chooses the Prime-minister.
2. In case no party wins the majority, the system becomes unstable and the Government is at the mercy of smaller parties.
3. A good and popular leader cannot become the Prime-minister of the country just because its Party doesn’t have wherewithal(like money) to win a majority.
4. The people are forced to accept an unpopular person as the leader of the country just because his party has won the majority.
5. There is no limit i.e. the number of terms for which a person can become Prime-minister.
The other system of Democracy is Presidential system which has been adopted and perfected by the USA. In a Presidential System the people elect the President by voting for the candidate directly(leaving aside the fact that in USA that the votes are not counted directly but indirectly through an electoral college). The people also cast the votes for their representatives separately. That is to say that in Westminster model, there is only One Vote whereas in Presidential model, there are two votes. The President then forms his government through politicians or experts in the field. The political party to which the President belongs may or may not have majority in the House of people. If the party has majority ,then the task of the President becomes a bit easier. Otherwise, he uses his good offices to get the Bills passed in the House of People. 
India has chosen Westminster form of democracy because of its colonial connection withBritain. However, in a diverse country like India, Presidential form of democracy is more suitable because of the following :-
a. A leader from a smaller state like Goa has very little chance of becoming the PM as compared to the leader from a larger state like Uttar Pradesh.
b. Very able Regional Leaders cannot become the PM because their party is confined to one region only.
c. The person whom the people in general want to become their leader cannot do so because he is not backed by a political party large enough to attain majority.
d. The Westminster Model has resulted in Dynastic politics in India as political leaders transfer their legacy to their kith and kin and not to the party as such.
We have all seen the plight of Lokpal Bill in our system of democracy. Let us now see how it would have moved in a Presidential form of democracy :- 
  • · There was no need for Anna Hazare to resort to agitation or put force on the government of any kind.
  • · Any MP could have picked the Jan Lokpal Bill(made by Team Anna) and introduced in the Parliament for debate. The MP had to mobilise media and other channels to create a public awareness so that the other MPs take up the Bill seriously for discussions.
  • · The MPs after dissecting the Bill had powers to pass it as it is or reject it or pass it with amendments. The Bill cannot just linger on indefinitely because there was no political consensus amongst the parties.
  • · The Bill would have gone to the President for his accent. The President had veto powers to reject it or refer it back to the Parliament for modifications.
  • · Thereafter, the President has to either give his accent or veto it altogether.
There was no need of such blood-bath or so many lost days of the Parliament and the most acceptable form of the Bill could have emerged. 
Its therefore time now to start the debate whether India should switch over to Presidential form of Government.

Saturday, 20 July 2013

A Note on Tenders and Public Law Remedy

The Government in a welfare state is the regulator and provides large number of benefits and dispenses of services to its people. In the process of dispensing the benefits and services, the Government enters into contracts i.e. contracts between private individuals, on the one hand and Government or its instrumentalities on the other. A large body of individuals seek to deal with the Government as the modern welfare state, the Government is increasingly assuming the role of dispenses of large monetary benefits including jobs, contracts, licenses, quotas, mineral rights out sourcing, the services  of many individuals and many more business enjoy the largesse in the form of contracts. Many enterprises set up primarily to do business with Government. The basic question is to regulate and discipline the Government discretion to confer such benefits. Simentously it is necessary to ensure that injustices are not done to an individual by the state or its instrumentalities. As such, wealth assumes greater and greater importance in the life of the nation, there is going to be greater competition amongst the seeking of such wealth. The constitutional reorganization of Government contracts is to be found in Article 298 and 299(1) of Constitution. Article 298 provides that the executive power of the union and each state shall extend to the making contracts for any purpose. So it provides the state can enter into a contract in exercise of its executive power. Article 299(1) mandates the requisite conditions which contracts in exercise of the executive power of the union each state is required to fulfill. These provisions in the constitution relating to form of contract on behalf of the Government is mandatory
As pointed out by the Supreme Court of India in R.D.Shetty Vs. International Airport Authority1979 (3) SCC 489, that “The Government cannot be permitted to say that it will give jobs or enter into contracts or issue quotas or licenses only in favor of those having grey hair or belonging to a particular political party or professing a particular religious faith. The Government is still the Government when it acts in the matter of grating largesse and it cannot act arbitrarily. It does not stand in the same position as a private individual”. The Hon’ble Supreme Court while agreeing with the observations made in the case of V. Punnah Thomas Vs. State of Kerala AIR 1969 Ker 81 stated that “The Government is not and should not be as free as an individual in selecting the recipients for its largesse”.
Since the Government no longer enjoys the absolute discretion to enter into contract with anyone the Government must choose the party in a non – discriminatory manner. The state must act fairly and make a choice in the selection of a contracting party by affording equal opportunity to all contenders by examining their claims fairly. Government discretion is not unlimited that it can give or withhold largess in its arbitrarily but its action must be confirm with some principle which meets the test of reason and relevance. Hon’ble Supreme Court in Rammanna’s Case followed  the Judgment as held in E.P.Rayappa Vs. State of Tamilnadu (1974 (4) SCC3) and Maneka Gandhi Vs. Union of India (1978 (1) SCC 248) that Article 14 strikes arbitrariness in state action and ensures fairness and equality of treatment. The court further observed in Para 21 that:-
“ It must, therefore follow as a necessary corollary from the principle of equality enshrined in Article 14 that though the state is entitled to refuse to enter into relationship with any one, yet if it does so, it cannot arbitrarily choose any person it likes for entering into such relationship and discriminate between persons similarly circumstanced but it must act in conformity with some standard or principle which meets the test of reasonableness and non – discrimination and any departure from such standard or principle would be invalid unless it can be supported or justified on some rational and non – discriminatory ground”
The above principle laid down by the Hon’ble Supreme Court was subsequently affirmed inKasturilal Vs. Jammu & Kashmir reported in 1980(4) SCC page 1 held that “Every activity of the Government has a public element in it and it must, therefore be informed with reason and guided by public interest. Every action taken by the Government must be in public interest. The Government cannot act arbitrarily and without reason and if it does, its action would be liable to be invalidated.”
Therefore, there is restriction of Government power in respect of the persons, with whom the Government may enter into a contract. The Government or its instrumentalities are not free, as an ordinary individual, as it selects the party with absolute and unfettered discretion.
Another application of Article 14 of Constitution was considered in Becil Vs. Arraycom IndiaLtd 2010(1) SCC 139 that “in contracts to be given by Government authorities or statutory bodies or instrumentalities of the state, Article 14 of Constitution applies. Hence, there should be transparency by holding an open public auction or tender because such contracts often involve huge amounts of public money”.
The Supreme Court further in  Siemens public communication Net Work(P) Ltd Vs. Union of India AIR 2009 SC 1204 unambiguously observed that the decision making process of Government or its  instrumentality should exclude remote possibility of discrimination, arbitrariness and favoritism. It should be transparent, bona fide and in public interest. In another case, the Supreme Court approved the Swiss challenge method under taken by the state in the case of Rani Development Vs. Shre Krishna Prathisthan 2009(7) SCC 462. The Supreme Court further examined the award of contract in light of Article 14, and held that the action taken by authorities in awarding contract can be judged and tested in the light of Article 14 as in the case of Meerat Development Authorities Vs. Ass. Of Management Studies2009 (6) SCC 171. Concerning binding nature of tender conditions (NIT condition)the Supreme Court in Ramanna Case held that “It is well settled rule of administrative law that an executive authority must be rigorously held to the standards by which it professes its action to be judged and it must scrupulously observe those standards on pain of invalidation or violation of them”. This rule was enunciated by U.S. Supreme Court in Vitervalli Vs. Saton 359 U.S. 535 in the following words.
“An executive agency must be rigorously held to the standards by which it professes its action to be judged ——–
This Judicially evolved rule of administrative law is now firmly established ————
He that takes procedural sword shall perish with the sword.”
The Supreme Court accepted this rule as valid and applicable in India in A. S. Ahmewalia Vs. Punjab 1975(3) SCC 503, in Sukhadev Vs. Bhaghathram 1975(1) SCC 421.  The above said rule subsequently affirmed in B.S. Minhas Vs. Indian Statistical Institute 1983(4) SCC 582.
In Harmindar singh Arora Vs. Union of India 1986(3) SCC 247 the court dealt with a case, in which Tenders were invited for supply of milk the contract was awarded to state undertaking by rejecting the offer of a private party which was more suitable in that situation, the Supreme Court cancelled the grant of tender by holding that the instrumentalities of state cannot act arbitrarily. If it chooses invite tenders, it must abide by the conditions specified in the tender notice. If the party fails to fulfill the conditions of the tender notice, it cannot be accepted.
However, in respect of conditions of eligibility, its strict compliance is required, in other words the state, and its instrumentalities are required to adhere norms. Standards and procedures cannot be departed from, arbitrarily. The award of contract, its action would be tested for its validity.
In another case wherein it is reported in AIR 1982 Gahuathi 37 in the case of Omega Advertising Agency Vs. State Electricity Board where the state Electricity Board issued a notice inviting offers from advertisements fulfilling certain conditions as per NIT. One of  applicants fulfilled the essential conditions, while the others had not,  in this situation, the state electricity board decided to split its work between the two. The Assam High Court set aside the division of splitting the work by declaring the action of instrumentalities as being against the tenor of notice inviting offer, and further declared that the action amounts to discrimination under Article 14, as authority had awarded the contract to a person who was not qualified according to the prescribed standards.
The Hon’ble High Court of A.P. examined the law in the case of M/s.Nandini Deluxe 2005 (6) ALT 748 wherin the court held that “the state is bound to adhere to the norms, standards and procedures laid down by them and cannot depart from them arbitrarily. If the Government indicates preconditions of eligibility and evaluates the technical bid ignoring such norms and standards, the entire decision making process must suffer the wrath of Article 14 of   constitution of India”.
However, the Supreme Court classified the requirement in NIT into two categories, those which lay down the essential conditions of eligibility and others which are merely ancillary or subsidiary to the main object to be achieved by this condition. If there are essential tender conditions, the same must be adhered to and in other cases it must be open to the state or its instrumentality to deviate from and not to insist upon strict compliance. In  the case ofPoddar Steel Corporation Vs. Ganesh Engineering Works (1991 (3) Sec. 273) the question arose concerning conditions of the tender as the successful bidder made payment of the earnest money by sending a cheque drawn on Union Bank of India not of State bank of India. The Supreme Court held that ‘as a matter of general proposition it cannot be held that an authority inviting tenders is bound to give effect to every terms mentioned in the notice in meticulous detail and is not entitled to waive even a technical irregularity of little or of  no significance”.
If the action complained of is shown to be violative of constitutional or mandatory statutory provisions or is initiated due to mala fides or patent arbitrariness, the Court has always interfered with such decision and laid limitation on judicial review while reviewing the decision making process and not just the merits of the decision. The Hon’ble Supreme Court after considering the Judgment on the subject held in TATA Cellular Vs. Union of India (1994 (6) SCC 651) held.
“It cannot be denied that the principles of judicial review would apply to the exercise of contractual powers by Government bodies in order to prevent arbitrariness and favoritism. However, it must be clearly stated that there are inherent limitations in exercise of that power of judicial review. Government is the guardian of the finances of the state. It is expected to protect the financial interest of the state. The right to refuse the lowest or any other tender is always available to the Government. But the principle laid down in article 14 of the Constitution have to be kept in view while accepting a refusing a tender. There can no question of infringement of Article 14 if Government tries to get the best person a best quotation. The right to choose cannot be considered to be an arbitrary power. Of course, if said power is exercised for any collateral purpose the exercise of that power will be struck down”.
Subsequent to the above, the Hon’ble Supreme Court in Asia foundation and Construction Ltd.Vs. Trafalgas House Construction (I) Ltd. (1997 (1) SCC 738) held that “Though the principle of Judicial review cannot be denied as  far as exercise of contractual powers of Government bodies are concerned but it is  intended to prevent arbitrariness or favoritism and is exercised in the larger public interest and is brought to the notice of the court if the power has been exercised for any collateral purpose.”
In Raunaq International Ltd. Vs. I.V.R co ltd . (1999 (1) SCC 492) the Supreme Court further laid down propositions that are to be considered while evolving the case on hand. The Supreme Court further held that the court is entitled to examine whether these requirements have been considered. The court held that “if any relaxation is granted for bona fide reasons, the tender conditions permits such relaxation and the decision arrived at for legitimate after fair consideration of all offers, the Court should hesitate to intervene.”
In B.S.N. Joshi & Soni Ltd. Vs. Nair Coal Services Ltd. (2006 (11) SCC 548) the Hon’ble Supreme Court after reviewing the judgment on the subject laid down the legal principles are applicable to the award of Government contract/tenders.
Further the Hon’ble Supreme Court in Jagdish Mandal Vs. State of Orissa (2007 (14), SCC 517) further held that “If the decision relating to award of contract is bonafide and is in public interest, the courts will not, in exercise of power of judicial review, interfere even if a procedural aberration or error in assessment or prejudice to a tender, is made out.”
In view of the same it can be stated that the aggrieved person can invoke the jurisdiction of the High Court under Article 226 of Constitution of India in the matter of contractual transactions between the state and persons who are dealing with the State or its instrumentalities.

Tuesday, 16 July 2013

Indianness of Constitution of India

The Constitution of India was framed by the Constituent Assembly that was absolutely Indian. An overwhelming majority of members of the body that enacted the most important document for governance of Bharat and observe Rule of Law comprised freedom fighters who had given their best to making India free. Their credentials were above reproach. Our Founding Fathers of the Constitution enjoyed the love, respect and admiration of people of India. People loved the members of the Constituent Assembly and got love in return in abundance.

FEATURES OF INDIANNESS

Language, culture, dress, education, Sanskars and above all the Mindset go to make the Indianness or otherwise of our Constitution. The vast majority of constitution makers came from villages of India. They were soaked in the soil, water and air of India. Regretfully they were not allowed to have their say in matters constitutional.

Leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, Dr Rajendra Prasad, Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar and many legal luminaries of the Aiyyar and Iyengar Tambram intellectual clans dominated the   proceedings of the Constituent Assembly from A to Z. The semi-literate Ram and Ghanshyam, men of peasant stock who were in an overwhelming majority in the Assembly, followed no English, what to say of legal lingua franca in a foreign tongue. Their presence in the Hall was the only contribution that they could make. Thus the Constitution of India in its final shape did not have an imprint of the People of India, the rural India, the India of the Vedic culture or the Ganga-Jamuni composite culture, notwithstanding the fact that it was enacted, adopted by the People of India and promulgated by the People of India just two months after enactment and signing by one and all concerned with it.

The Constitution was a finished product in a book form on 26 November 1949. It was adopted on 26 January 1950 and then the same day the Republic of India came into being. Dr Rajendra Prasad who was President of the Constituent Assemby, was dy eected as the first President of the Republic of India.

One regrets to note that despite all factors being favourable to India and Indians, the Constitution of India lacked an Indian soul that was needed to make it effective at the ground roots level. Our Vedic heritage was touched with a barge poll but there was no deep penetration in Spiritualism. Borrowing from the West where a camour for separating the Christian Church from the State was heeded to and the State was a votary of Secularism At a later stage Secularism was incorporated in our Indian Constitution too but here it was interpreted by successive Congress governments as an Article for protection of the Muslim minority reducing them to the status of a vote-bank.
The Constitution of India failed the litmus test of being Indian in character. It was everything but a document for the People, by the People and of the People of India that is Bharat. The vast majority of peope lives in villages and yet the villages are as neglected today as they were under the foreign rule. The focus was on the cities and urban areas and that caused a migration from the rural areas to the urban areas creating a myriad problems.

What a pity that the members of that august body, the Constituent Assembly failed to give just one Indian name to the motherland. It is called India that is Bharat in our Constitution and other legal documents. India remained but Bharat receded into anonymity.

The founding fathers of the Constitution of India were in favour of adopting just one national anthem – Vande Mataram. What a shame the present national anthem jana gana mana came from behind riding the shoulders of Jawaharlal Nehru and usurped the throne. The whole country regrets that dacoity till this day. Nehru did so just to please a section of the Muslim minority, ignoring the numerically superior Hindus of Bharat, jettisoning VANDE MATARAM and superimposing a Tagore written song that the vast majority of Indians believes  was written as an eulogy for King George V when he visited the British India in 1911. We have to live with that disgrace forever, thanks to Nehru’s monumental folly.

Dr Rajendra Prasad, President of the Constituent Assembly and a down to earth scholar and legalluminary sensed the mood of the House and the Indian Nation and said that Vande Mataram will be the National Song of India and shall have the same stats as the trumped up national anthem. That solemn promise remained on paper only and the inspiring anthem of the struggle for independence days gradually faded into oblivion.

As a commentator on Akashvani and Doordarshan, now on the ZEE NEWS on the Independence Day ceremony at the Red Fort and the Republic Day Parade on the Raj path, I always miss the good old VANDE MATARAM that I had sung along with other students on many a march against the British imperialism on road to freedom. The British Police beat up boys of senior classes, threatened juniors like me with sending a letter of complaint to parents but we marched on relentlessly. When the seniors fell to the lathi blows, we juniors held the Tricolour and rented the sky with our patriotic chants and slogans- Vande Mataram, Vande Mataram. Even the British sergeants looked at us in awe, used abusive language but stopped short of beating boys of junior classes. Freedom came sans the song of freedom.

It was the devilish design and a shameful act of those who appeased the anti-national elements by banishing the national song from the State ceremonies just to retain political power in their hands. Who cares for the country? Who cares for the Constitution? Who cares for the people? Not the ruling elite of political bigwigs and some families who became Pretenders to the Throne.

FEATURES OF OUR CONSTITUTION

The Constitution of India is a written document and is relied solely on its text by the judiciary. Although the Hindi text is the authentic text of the Constitution of India, it is the English text that rules the roost and is relied upon by judges and advocates in many a legal battle fought in courts of law. Unlike the British constitution which is by and large convention and tradition based and is in a written form to a minor degree only, the Indian constitution gives a little leeway to judicial interpretation where written word is clear in its intent. Indeed the Supreme Court and the High Courts have the constitutional mandate for a Judicial Review and their interpretation is not only the Last Word in the matter but also lays down law of the land.

The Judiciary ensures that the country is governed by the provisions of law and that the Rule of Law is respected and obeyed always. The Indian   jurisprudence, that relies on the Anglo-Saxon and Roman jurisprudence, lays down:

HOWEVER HIGH YOU MAY EVER BE,
THE LAW IS ABOVE YOU.


The Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles are a part of the Constitution of India. It has 395 Articles and Nine Schedules. With the result, the Indian Constitution is a bulky book, difficult to carry and harder to understand in letter and spirit. It falls on the strong shoulders of the Indian Judiciary to interpret the Constitution of India for the benefit of the People of India.

The Artices, Schedues, Clauses and Sub-clauses are so complicated that even judicial brains are perplexed and confused many a time, what to say of Sepoy Bhup Singh of the Indian Army who rarely knocks at the door of a Temple of Justice, even if he is wronged and feels aggrieved. It is well nigh impossible for a common man to get Justice since it is so expensive that he cannot afford it in this life.

Nevertheless the Constitution of India is the sole authentic document the legal fraternity relies upon. The leaders of the opposition parties who are incarcerated by the party in power every now and then have no option but to knock at the door of the High Court of the State where the cause of action occurred or at the Supreme Court if a number of States are involved. More often than not the underdog gets grievances redressed and is released from prison forthwith unless detained in some other case of infringement of law of the land.

As a student of the University of Allahabad it was my privilege to watch the proceedings of a case of Habeas Corpus under article 226 of the Constitution of India when the Socialist leader of eminence, Dr Ram Manohar Lohia was detained by the government of Uttar Pradesh for no rhyme or reason. Under orders of the High Court of Allahabad, Dr Lohia was brought from the central prison and in parts he was permitted to argue his own case in addition to what his counsel had said. Dr Lohia had read out the views of eminent thinkers and philosophers from all over the world like Hobbes, Thoreau, Rousseau and Chanakya to plead that he had exercised his  right of freedom of thought, expression, unrestricted movement without endangering the life, limb, property or any other constitutional right of another Indian citizen. The government could not produce any reliable evidence to support its case of detention of the leader and the logical deduction was that the govt had exceeded its powers and put restriction on the constitutional rights of Dr Lohia. Their Lordships allowed the petition and set Dr Lohia free. Indeed it was a landmark judgement reiterating the constitutional rights of a citizen and the judiciary was applauded as a protector of the Constitution of India.

VEDIC VISION

TRUTH, EQUALITY, LIBERTY, FRATERNITY, NON-VIOLENCE LEADING TO AN EGALITARIAN SOCIETY ARE SOME OF THE PILLARS OF VEDIC VALUES OF LIFE ON WHICH THE VEDIC SAMAJ EXISTED AND RESTED.

I am glad to note that the present Constitution of India promulgated on 26 January 1950 has incorporated quite a few them. Some of them got diluted over a period of time when values of life were thrown overboard and self-seekers put self before the society. The apple cart of Vedic vision was over-turned and the same degeneration set in post independence as had set in post-Mahabharat period of history.The words in Sanskrit in the Devnagari script written under the State symbol are: satyamev jayate, it means that the TRUTH alone shall prevail. The Vedic philosophers like Shankaracharya, Manu Maharaj and Maharishi Dayanand Saraswati have laid an emphasis on the TRUTH as the foundation of an ideal human life. In the TEN Principles of the Arya Samaj, there is an emphasis on the Truth among five of them.

Some commentators are of the opinion that the State symbol should have carried the correct quote: Satyamev Jayate nanritam – THAT IS THE Truth alone shall prevail but NOT the UNTRUTH. Unfortunately, only the three lions form the State emblem and the Sanskrit words from the Mundak Upanishad got deleted over a period of time. But a revival of the quotation is in the offing.

It would be appropriate to mention that the four lions are taken from the Sarnath Buddhist edict pillar erected by Emperor Asoka but only three are seen in print. It was a penchant with Nehru to go for symbols of other religions like the present one but keep the principles of the Vedic Dharm at bay. Little did he realise that weakening the hold of the Hindus on State authority will weaken the majority community and that in turn will weaken India that is Bharat. Now the writing is on the wall for everyone to see.

CONSTITUTION A SOULLESS ENTITY

The constitution is quite an idealistic one as it promises Heaven but does not deliver even mundane minor goods. There have been numerous amendments as the Congress government was, generally speaking, bent upon to undo whatever the judiciary did to uphold the rights of the wronged citizens. In Indira Gandhi’s time of prime ministership, her government had even superseded three judges of the Supreme Court just because they exercised their right to deliver unbiased judgements and did not toe the line of the government like a subservient magistracy. The whole world had criticised this unholy act of the government of India and thereafter the govt did not repeat its folly.

Now the Judiciary is so assertive that they do not let the Executive (read government) come anywhere near the selection process of judges of the High Courts and the Supreme Court. There is a Collegium of the Chief Justice of India, two senior most judges of the Supreme Court and Chief Justice of the High Court concerned where a judge is to be appointed. When the Collegium of Judges recommends names, the govt just issues the appointment  letter. The Executive is quite cut up on this assertive move of the Judiciary but as per the Constitution is powerless to act in the matter. The Judiciary is running the Executive show in many a matter because the govt is gripped with a paralysis of making policy decisions.

On making a critical assessment of the effectiveness of the Constitution, legal brains find that it is quite a hotch- potch. There is no fragrance of THE SOIL OF INDIA in the Constitution of India. To start with, the Constituent Assembly relied heavily on provisions of the Government of India Act 1935 that the then British govt had promulgated for a gradual transfer of power to the Indians. With the result certain constitutional posts were saddled with powers that should have devolved on the elected Executives. The State Governor even now recommends dismissal or continuation of an elected govt, including the Chief Minister, of a State.

Our Constitution had borrowed systems from other countries too although the circumstances, the people and the ground realities did not match. The Vedic values of life listed earlier were listed as the Guide but were thrown overboard when it came to working out the nitty-gritty of actual working of the system of governance. Undue importance was given to the rights of minorities and that fuelled anti-national activity among some elements who were inspired by their co-religionists from across the western borders. Thus the mixed provisions of constitution left the Indian intelligentsia a confused lot and the Founding Fathers got a bad name unnecessarily. The way to hell was paved with good intentions.

Here is a brief review of what we borrowed from where. The Parliamentary system of governance, the separation of powers between the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary with checks and balances to keep each other within bounds was a brilliant idea borrowed verbatim from the United Kingdom. The UK has a long tradition of People exercising Power since 1215 when King John was forced by the Barons to sign on the dotted line of Magna Carta. Thereafter, the parliamentary democracy evolved with maturity over many centuries. The British Parliament is likely to enact in 2011 The Right To Recall of the MPs if they have a serious brush with law. The voters wil exercise this right for the first time in UK. Anna Hazare, the Indian social activist is pressing for the same Right to Recall for the Indian voters too.

India had the inheritance of Vedic Ganarajya system and the sagacity to implement it but the then political leadership of Nehru’s ilk were so British oriented in their thinking that they abhorred their forefather’s legacy. The nation paid dearly for this fallacious thinking. Nehru took pride in being branded as the last Englishman to rule India on behalf of the British Crown.

The principles of the Fundamental Rights and the over-riding factor of Judicial Review to keep the autocratic Executive in check were borrowed lock stock and barrel from the Constitution of the United States of America.

The Directive Principles of the Constitution were borrowed from the Irish Republic but rarely implemented. The Directive Principle of Common Civil Code for all Indian citizens irrespective of their religion or faith was put in the cold storage lest the Congress party lost Muslim votes as they were   opposed to the very idea of a Common Civil Code. Fortunately the then British government had implemented the Common Criminal Procedure and criminal Law otherwise the spineless Congress govt would have conceded to the Muslims their right of governance under the Sharia Law.

Under the influence of the Communists, the Congress government had amended the Constitution to add the Fundamental Duties on the pattern of the Constitution  of Russian Federation.

The Supreme Court of India has come to the rescue of the hapless Indian citizen and Ruled once and for all that no amendment can be brought by the govt that may alter the basic character of the Constitution. Their lordships of the large Constitution Bench also said that in case it was deemed necessary by the government to alter the basic character of the Constitution, a new Constituent Assembly should be elected and mandated to alter the basic character.

Monday, 8 July 2013

How Indian is Constitution of India

The Constitution of India was framed by the Constituent Assembly that was absolutely Indian. An overwhelming majority of members of the body that enacted the most important document for governance of Bharat and observe Rule of Law comprised freedom fighters who had given their best to making India free. Their credentials were above reproach. Our Founding Fathers of the Constitution enjoyed the love, respect and admiration of people of India. People loved the members of the Constituent Assembly and got love in  return in abundance.

FEATURES OF INDIANNESS

Language, culture, dress, education, Sanskars and above all the Mindset go to make the Indianness or otherwise of our Constitution. The vast majority of constitution makers came from villages of India. They were soaked in the soil, water and air of India. Regretfully they were not allowed to have their say in matters constitutional.

Leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, Dr Rajendra Prasad, Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar and many legal luminaries dominated the  proceedings of the Constituent Assembly from A to Z. The semi-literate Ram and Ghanshyam followed no English, what to say of legal language in a foreign tongue. Their presence in the Hall was the only contribution that they could make. Thus the Constitution of India in its final shape did not have an imprint of the People of India, notwithstanding the fact that it was enacted, adopted by the People of India and promulgated by the People of India just two months after  enactment and being signed by one and allconcerned with it.

The Constitution was a finished product in a book form on26 November 1949. It was adopted on 26 January 1950 and then the same day the Republic of India came into being.

One regrets to note that despite all factors being favourable to India and Indians, the Constitution of India lacked an Indian soul that was needed to make it effective at the ground roots level.
The Constitution of India failed the litmus test of being Indian in charagter. It was everything but a document for the People, by the People and of the People of India that is Bharat. What a pity that the members of that agust body, the Constituent Assembly failed to give just one Indian name tothe motherland. It is called India that is Bharat.
The founding fathers of the Constitution of India were in favour of adopting just one national anthem – vande mataram. What a shame the present national anthem jana gana mana came from behind riding the shoulders of Jawaharlal Nehru and usurped the throne. The whole country regrets that dacoity till this day.

FEATRES OF OUR CONSTITUTION

The Constitution of India is a written document and is relied solely on its text by the judiciary. Unlike the British constitution which is by and large convention and tradition based and is in written form to a minor degree.
, the Indian constitution gives a little leeway to judicial interpretation where written word is clear in its intent. Indeed the Supreme Court and the High Court have the constitutional mandate for a Judicial Review and their interpretation is not only  the Last Word in the matter but also lays down law of the land.
The Judiciary ensures that the country is  governed by the provisions of law and that the Rule of Law will be respected and obeyed always. The  jurisprudence lays down:
HOWEVER HIGH YOU MAY EVER BE,
THE LAW IS ABOVE YOU.

The Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles are a part of the Constitution of India. It has 395 Articles and Nine Schedules. With the result, the Indian Constitution is a bulky book, difficult to carry and harder to understand in letter and spirit. It falls on the strong shoulders of the Indian Judiciary to interpret the Constitution of India for the benefit of the People of India.

Tuesday, 2 July 2013

Transcore Vs UOI-A Judicial Monocracy to Anyhow Uphold Unwarranted Multiple Actions of the Banks/FIs

INTRODUCTION:

(1)The Statement of Objects and Reasons to the Enforcement of Security Interest and Recovery of Debts Laws (Amendment) Act, 2004 (hereinafter called “the Amending Act 2004”), inter alia, has described background of the Amendment Act, 2004 thus “In view of the judgment of the Hon’ble Supreme Court in the case of Mardia Chemicals Ltd. and Others v. Union of India and Others, it had become necessary to amend the provisions of the Securitisation Act, 2002. Since the Parliament was not in session and it was necessary to take immediate action to amend the said Securitisation Act for the above reasons, the Enforcement of Security Interest and Recovery of Debts Laws (Amendment) Ordinance, 2004 was promulgated on the 11th November,  2004. The said Ordinance amends the Securitisation and Reconstruction of Financial Assets and Enforcement of Security Interest Act, 2002, the Recovery of Debts Due to Banks and Financial Institutions Act, 1993 (hereinafter called “the DRT Act”) and the Companies Act, 1956”.

(1.1) The Statement of Objects and Reasons further states thus Chapter III of the Ordinance amends the Recovery of Debts Due to Banks and Financial Institutions Act, 1993 so as to enable the bank or financial institution to withdraw, with the permission of the Debts Recovery Tribunal, the application made to it and thereafter take action under the Securitisation and Reconstruction of Financial Assets and Enforcement of Security Interest Act, 2002.” (emphasis supplied). It is pertinent to note here that the object of insertion of the three provisos to Section 19(1) of DRT Act, vide the Amending Act, 2004, is to enable the secured creditors to take fresh action, rather a more effective action to speedily recover their debts, if required, by enforcement of security or other measures specified in sub-section (4) of section 13 of the Securitisation Act, however, not to take multiple actions under the DRT Act, as well as the Securitisation Act.

(2) Section 19 of the Recovery of Debts Due to Banks and Financial Institutions Act, 1993 has, inter alia, provided as follows.

Section 19. Application to the Tribunal.—

(1) Where a bank or a financial institution has to recover any debt from any person, it may make an application to the Tribunal within the local limits of whose jurisdiction—………..x……….x……….x……..x……….x…….

Provided that the bank or financial institution may, with the permission of the Debts Recovery Tribunal, on an application made by it, withdraw the application, whether made before or after the Enforcement of Security Interest and Recovery of Debts Laws (Amendment) Act, 2004 for the purpose of taking action under the Securitisation and Reconstruction of Financial Assets and Enforcement of Security Interest Act, 2002 (54 of 2002), if no such action had been taken earlier under that Act:

Provided further that any application made under the first proviso for seeking permission from the Debts Recovery Tribunal to withdraw the application made under sub‑section (1) shall be dealt with by it as expeditiously as possible and disposed of within thirty days from the date of such application:

Provided also that in case the Debts Recovery Tribunal refuses to grant permission for withdrawal of the application filed under this sub‑section, it shall pass such orders after recording the reasons therefor.” (emphasis mine in all above paras)

(2.1) Notwithstanding the mandatory language of the three Provisos inserted by the Amendment Act, 2004 to section 19 of DRT Act (especially keeping in view the Statement of Objects and Reasons),  hon’ble Supreme Court in  M/s Transcore Vs Union of India & Anr {(2008) 1 SCC 125; Date of Judgment: 29/11/2006}, has held, inter alia, as follows.

“For the above reasons, we hold that withdrawal of the O.A. pending before the DRT under the DRT Act is not a pre-condition for taking recourse to NPA Act. It is for the bank/FI to exercise its discretion as to cases in which it may apply for leave and in cases where they may not apply for leave to withdraw. We do not wish to spell out those circumstances because the said first proviso to Section 19(1) is an enabling provision, which provision may deal with myriad circumstances which we do not wish to spell out herein.” (emphasis supplied).

(2.2) With respect, it is humbly submitted that even hon’ble Supreme Court can not  put an interpretation, which is wholly inconsistent with a statutory provision and thus can not violate the well settled ‘Literal Rule of Interpretation’. Further, now a days, a good majority of the creditors are taking undue advantage of the misconception created by the ‘Transcore SC judgment’ (supra) and, as a matter of right, filing the Original Application (hereinafter called ‘O.A.’) before the DRT under the DRT Act, even after taking recourse to the Securitisation Act, which has not at all been authorized even by the ‘Transcore SC judgment’ (supra).
Literal Rule of Interpretation of Statutes

(3) Recently, hon’ble Supreme Court in B. Premanand & Ors. Vs. Mohan Koikal & Ors. (Civil Appeal No. 2684 of 2007; Decided on 16 March, 2011) has explained the literal rule of interpretation of statutes. The rule provides that the meaning has to be ascertained from the text of the law itself. The essence of the judgment is given below.

(3.1) The Court explained the concept that if there is a conflict between equity and the law, it is the law which must prevail. It may be mentioned in this connection that the first and foremost principle of interpretation of a statute in every system of interpretation is the literal rule of interpretation. The other rules of interpretation e.g. the mischief rule, purposive interpretation etc. can only be resorted to when the plain words of a statute are ambiguous or lead to no intelligible results or if read literally would nullify the very object of the statute. Where the words of a statute are absolutely clear and unambiguous, recourse cannot be had to the principles of interpretation other than the literal rule, vide Swedish Match AB vs. Securities and Exchange Board, India, AIR 2004 SC 4219.

(3.2) The legislature is presumed to have made no mistake. The presumption is that it intended to say what it has said. Assuming there is a defect or an omission in the words used by the legislature, the Court cannot correct or make up the deficiency, vide Delhi Financial Corporation vs. Rajiv Anand 2004 (11) SCC 625. Where the legislative intent is clear from the language, the Court should give effect to it, vide Government of Andhra Pradesh vs. Road Rollers Owners Welfare Association 2004(6) SCC 210, and the Court should not seek to amend the law in the garb of interpretation.

(3.3) Ordinarily, it is not proper for the Court to depart from the literal rule as that would really be amending the law in the garb of interpretation, which is not permissible vide J.P. Bansal vs. State of Rajasthan & Anr. AIR 2003 SC 1405, State of Jharkhand & Anr. vs. Govind Singh JT 2004(10) SC 349 etc.. It is for the legislature to amend the law and not the Court vide State of Jharkhand & Anr. vs. Govind Singh JT 2004(10) SC 349.

(3.4) Hence, there should be judicial restraint in this connection, and the temptation to do judicial legislation should be eschewed by the Courts. In fact, judicial legislation is an oxymoron (Author’s Note-“oxymoron” means a phrase in which two words of contradictory meaning are used together for special effect, e.g. “wise fool” or “legal murder”).

(3.5) The function of the Court is only to expound the law and not to legislate vide District Mining Officer vs. Tata Iron and Steel Company 2002 (7) SCC 358. If we accept the interpretation canvassed by the learned counsel for the private respondents, we will really be legislating because in the guise of interpretation we will be really amending Rule 27(c) of the Rules.

(3.6) The literal rule of interpretation really means that there should be no interpretation. In other words, we should read the statute as it is, without distorting or twisting its language.

(4) Further, hon’ble Supreme Court in Narayan Chandra Ghosh Vs UCO Bank & Ors. {(2011) 4 SCC 548; 2011 STPL (Web) 310 SC; Decided on 18.03.2011} has held, inter alia, as follows (SCC pp 550, para 8).

“8……………Bearing in mind the object of the Act, the conditions hedged in the said proviso cannot be said to be onerous. Thus, we hold that the requirement of pre-deposit under sub-section (1) of Section 18 of the Act is mandatory and there is no reason whatsoever for not giving full effect to the provisions contained in Section 18 of the Act. In that view of the matter, no courtmuch less the Appellate Tribunal, a creature of the Act itself, can refuse to give full effect to the provisions of the Statute. We have no hesitation in holding that deposit under the second proviso to Section 18(1) of the Act being a condition precedent for preferring an appeal under the said Section, the Appellate Tribunal had erred in law in entertaining the appeal without directing the appellant to comply with the said mandatory requirement.”

Admittedly, the term “no court” includes the Supreme Court of India. Consequently, with respect, it is humbly submitted that even hon’ble Supreme Court can not refuse to give full effect to the provisions of the three provisos to section 19 of  the DRT Act, and therefore, can not  put an interpretation in the ‘Transcore SC judgment’ (supra), which is wholly inconsistent with the statutory provision.

Banks/FIs are not settling even simple problems of the borrowers relating to revival and rehabilitation.

(5) Bureaucracy in Banks/FIs is not deciding and settling even simple problems of the borrowers relating to revival and rehabilitation. During our working we have experienced that due to artificial fear of being questioned by higher management, the bureaucracy in Banks/FIs is deliberately neglecting statutory ‘RBI guidelines’ and not deciding and settling even simple problems of the borrowers relating to revival and rehabilitation, consequently, forcing them to become ‘NPA’. Being generally ignorant of this attitude of Banks/FIs the majority of public is crying for non recovery of so called ‘Public Money’, losing sight of the fact that the borrowers are also a very important section of public, and intelligent persons running an industry, which generates employment and revenue through various Govt taxes and payment of huge interest and service charges to the Bank/FI. Instead, the matter is passed on to the court of law under DRT Act, 1993 and/or Securitisation Act, 2002. The Supreme Court has criticized this attitude on several occasions, but there is no outcome. In author’s view, only after few cases of counter-claim for loss and damages, for wrongdoings committed by the Banks/FIs, would be decided against the Banks/FIs, then only one can expect any change in the said non-cooperative attitude of the Banks/FIs. Needless to mention that the legal battle is long drawn, time consuming and expensive. For further details, the readers interested may kindly refer my another exhaustive Article titled- “Lies Vs Truth Regarding Recovery of ‘Industrial Loan” at http://taxguru.in/corporate-law/lies-truth-recovery-industrial-loan.html (and also at http://www.lawyersclubindia.com/articles/Lies-Vs-Truth-Regarding-Recovery-Of-Industrial-Loan–3725.asp)
Analysis of the DRT Act, 1993 in the ‘Transcore SC judgment’

(6) Extracts taken from records of DRT Legal Solutions: The following extracts have been taken by the author, with permission, from the records of DRT Legal Solutions, Indore(www.drtsolutions.com). The three provisos under Sec 19 of the DRT Act were inserted on 11.11.2004 and the related matter was examined by the Hon’ble Supreme Court  in the matter of Transcore Vs. Union of India & Anr {(2008) 1 SCC 125} wherein it was decided on 29.11.2006, inter alia, as follows:-

Analysis of the DRT Act, 1993:

The DRT Act, 1993 has been enacted to provide for the establishment of Tribunals for expeditious adjudication and recovery of debts due to banks/ FIs.

Section 2(g) defines a ‘debt’ to mean any liability which is claimed as dues from any person by a bank, FI or by a consortium of banks. It covers secured, unsecured and assigned debts. It also covers debts payable under a decree, arbitration award or under a mortgage.

Chapter III deals with jurisdiction, powers and authority of DRT.  Section 17 refers to jurisdiction of DRT. Section 17 states that  DRT shall exercise the jurisdiction, powers and authority to entertain and decide applications from the banks and FIs. for recovery of debts due to such banks/ FIs. (emphasis supplied). Section 19 of the Act inter alia states that where a bank or FI has to recover any debt, it may make an application to the DRT. By amending Act 30 of 2004, the three provisos were inserted in Section 19(1). Under the first proviso, the bank or FI may, with the permission of the DRT, on an application made by it, withdraw the O.A. for the purpose of taking action under the NPA Act, if no such action has been taken earlier under that Act. Under the second proviso, it is further provided that, any application made for withdrawal to the DRT under the first proviso shall be dealt with expeditiously and shall be disposed of within thirty days from the date of such application. The reason is obvious. Under Section 36 of the NPA Act the bank of FI is entitled to take steps under section 13(4) in respect of the financial asset provided it is made within the period of limitation prescribed under the Limitation Act, 1963. Therefore, the second proviso to Section 19(1) states that the DRT shall decide the withdrawal application as far as possible within thirty days from the date of application by the bank or FI. The third proviso to Section 19(1) states that in case the DRT refuses to grant permission/ leave for withdrawal, it shall give reasons thereof. Section 19(6) provides for the defendant’s claim to set-off against the bank’s demand for a certain sum of money. Similarly, Section 19(8) gives right to the defendant to set a counter claim. Section 19(12) empowers the DRT to make an interim order by way of injunction, stay or attachment before judgment debarring the defendant from transferring, alienating or otherwise deal with, or disposing of, his properties and assets. This can be done only with the prior permission of the  DRT. Under Section 19(13), the DRT is empowered to direct the defendant to furnish security in cases where the DRT is satisfied that the defendant is likely to dispose of the property or cause damage to the property in order to defeat the decree which may ultimately be passed in favour of the bank or FI. Under Section 19(18) the DRT is also empowered on grounds of equity to appoint a receiver of any property, before or after grant of certificate for recovery of debt. Under Section 19(19), a recovery certificate issued against a company can be enforced by the DRT which can order the property to be sold and the sale proceeds to be distributed amongst the secured creditors in accordance with the provisions of Section 529-A of  the Companies Act, 1956 and pay the balance/ surplus, if any, to the debtor-company. Section 20 of the DRT Act provides for appeal to the Appellate Tribunal. Section 21 deals with the necessity of the applicant to pre-deposit seventy-five per cent of the amount of debt due from him as determined by the DRT under Section 19. Section 25 refers to modes of recovery of debts. It provides for three modes, namely, (a) attachment and sale; (b) arrest of the defendant; and (c) appointment of a receiver for the management of the properties of the defendant. There are other modes of recovery contemplated by Section 28 which states that where a certificate has been issued by the DRT to the Recovery Officer under Section 19(7), the Recovery Officer may, without prejudice to the modes of recovery specified in Section 25, recover the amount of debt by any one or more of the modes mentioned in Section 28. Section 29 of the DRT Act incorporates provisions of the Second and Third Schedules to the Income Tax Act, 1961.

On analysing the above provisions of the DRT Act, we find that the said Act is a complete Code by itself as far as recovery of debt is concerned. It provides for various modes of recovery. It incorporates even the provisions of the Second and Third Schedules to the Income Tax Act, 1961. Therefore, the debt due under the recovery certificate can be recovered in various ways. The remedies mentioned therein are complementary to each other. The DRT Act provides for adjudication. It provides for adjudication of disputes as far as the debt due is concerned. It covers secured as well as unsecured debts. However, it does not rule out applicability of the provisions of the TP Act, in particular Sections 69 and  69A of that Act. Further in cases where the debt is secured by pledge of shares or immovable properties, with the passage of time and delay in the DRT proceedings, the value of the pledged assets or mortgaged properties invariably falls. On account of inflation, value of the assets in the hands of the bank/FI invariably depletes which, in turn, leads to asset liability mis-match. These contingencies are not taken care of by the DRT Act and, therefore, Parliament had to enact the NPA Act, 2002.” (emphasis supplied).

(6.1) A combined reading of the said provisos under Sec 19 of the DRT Act and, the said law laid down by the Apex Court, appears to conclude that  the secured creditor may invoke Securitisation Act during the pendency of proceedings under the DRT Act. However, this conclusion merits to be differentiated keeping in view the facts and circumstances of that particular case. The Author, therefore, feels that the impact of the continuance of such proceedings under the DRT Act must be considered by all concerned keeping in view the repercussions, consequences and cost impact.

(6.2) The Securitisation Act, 2002 (hereinafter called ‘the Act’) is a complete code in itself. Apart from being the latest enactment as well as having much wider powers compared with the DRT Act, proceedings under the same alone should continue. In the scheme of this Act, the debt is already crystallized by the secured creditor and the notice under Section 13(2) of the Act is an action taken and not show cause notice. The secured creditor is legally armed with powers for recovery action without going to court of law. The interest of the borrower is safeguarded with the right to approach the trial court of DRT by filing an Securitization Application (‘SA’) u/s 17 of the Act, which is held to be in lieu of a civil suit by a three judge bench of hon’ble Supreme Court in the matter of Mardia Chemicals Ltd.. Vs U.O.I. & Ors. {A.I.R 2004 SC 2371; (2004) 4 SCC 311; (2004) 59 CLA 380 (SC); Date of Judgment: 08/04/2004}.

(6.3) As aforesaid, now a days, a good majority of the creditors are taking undue advantage of the misconstruction created by the ‘Transcore SC judgment’ (supra) and, as a matter of right, filing the O.A. before the DRT under the DRT Act, even after already having taken recourse to the Securitisation Act, which has not at all been authorized even by the ‘Transcore SC judgment’ (supra). During these securitization proceedings the recovery is intended out of the secured assets, contested by the borrower before the court of law i.e. DRT by way of SA filed by the borrower. On the other hand in the scheme of the DRT Act, the OA is filed by the creditor requesting the DRT to determine the debt due culminating into issue of the Recovery Certificate followed by the execution against the said Recovery Certificate.

(6.4) In view of above, in a given case, having already issued Notice u/s 13(2) and filing of the SA u/s 17 of the Securitisation Act before hon’ble Debts Recovery Tribunal, the earlier proceedings initiated under the O.A. become virtually infructuous. If, the proceedings are further carried out, it would be nothing but additional and duplicate adjudication to determine the debt due. Considerable time and costs are involved to come to the stage of issue of the Recovery Certificate as well as the execution thereof. If the O.A. is dismissed, immediately after taking recourse to the Securitisation Act, on account of such infructuous proceedings, the rights and liabilities of the secured creditor are not affected at all. Further no additional advantage or rights accrue to the secured creditor if the said proceedings initiated under the O.A. are carried out.

(6.5) In such a case, we have already started making application to hon’ble DRT for the dismissal of the O.A., which would result in reducing the pendency and  burden on the DRT. On the other hand, it adds to the disposal performance of the DRT which will be in line with the objectives of formation of the DRTs i.e. expeditious disposal of bank litigations. It is needless to mention that there is tremendous increase in pendency in Indian Courts so much so that there are more than three crore cases pending vide news item dated 07.03.2010 (copy attached ANNEXURE ‘A’) in which it is mentioned that Justice V.V. Rao, a sitting judge of Hon’ble Andhra Pradesh High Court has said that it will take 320 years to clear the pendency. Hence, due application of mind should be used at every stage of pending matters. If a virtually duplicate matter like, if in a given case the OA is allowed to proceed and at any stage if the matter goes to High Court and Supreme Court, it will unnecessarily add to the said pendency of three crore cases.

(6.6) On one hand, the creditor shall not at all be affected by the proposed dismissal of the O.A., the borrower would be unnecessarily subjected to extra avoidable time and costs due to continuance of the O.A.. Hon’ble Debts Recovery Tribunal has full powers, authority and jurisdiction to consider these aspects due to the three provisos under Sec 19(1) of the DRT Act, 1993. Further, in this  connection, kind attention of all concerned is drawn to the leading SC Judgment in the matter of SP Gupta vs Union of India vide citation 1982 AIR (SC) 149, extract from para 27 is reproduced below. Accordingly, also Hon’ble Debts Recovery Tribunal is fully empowered to consider the said aspects relating to cost impacts and avoidable work load of continuing the infructuous O.A.:-

“(27) . . . . . . we would therefore prefer to begin the discussion by making a few prefatory remarks highlighting what the true function of the judiciary should be in a country like India which is marching along the road to social justice with the banner of democracy and the rule of law, for the principle of independence of the judiciary is not an abstract conception but it is a living faith which must derive its inspiration from the constitutional charter and its nourishment and sustenance from the constitutional values. It is necessary for every Judge to remember constantly and continually that our Constitution is not a non- aligned national charter. It is a document of social revolution which casts an obligation on every instrumentality including the judiciary, which is a separate but equal branch of the State, to transform the status quo ante into a new human order in which justice, social, economic and political will inform all institutions of national life and there will be equality of status and opportunity for all. The judiciary has therefore a socio economic destination and a creative function. It has to use the words of Glanville Austin, to become an arm of the socio-economic revolution and perform an active role calculated to bring social justice within the reach of the common man. It cannot remain content to act merely as an umpire but it must be functionally involved in the goal of socio-economic justice. The British concept of justicing, which to quote Justice Krishna Iyer, is still “bugged by the heirs of our colonial legal culture and shared by many on the bench” is that “the business of a Judge is to hold his tongue until the last possible moment and to try to be as wise as he is paid to look” and in the same strain are the words quoted by Professor Gordon Reid from ‘a memorandum to the Victorian government by Irvin, C. J. in 1923 where the judicial function was idealized in the following words :

THE duty of His Majesty’s Judges is to hear and determine issues of fact and of law arising between the king and the subject or between a subject and a subject presented in a form enabling judgment to be passed upon them, and when passed, to be enforced by a process of law. There begins and ends the function of the judiciary.

Now this approach to the judicial function may be alright for a stable and static society but not for a society pulsating with urges of gender justice, worker justice, minorities justice, dalit justice and equal justice, between chronic unequals. Where the contest is between those who are socially or economically unequal, the judicial process may prove disastrous from the point of view of social justice, if the Judge adopts a merely passive or negative role and does not adopt a positive and creative approach. The judiciary cannot remain a mere bystander or spectator but it must become an active participant in the judicial process ready to use law in the service of social justice through a proactive goal-oriented approach. But this cannot be achieved unless we have judicial cadres who share the fighting faith of the Constitution and who are imbued with the constitutional values. The necessity of a judiciary which is in tune with the social philosophy of the Constitution has nowhere been better emphasised than in the words of Justice Krishna Iyer which we quote: APPOINTMENT of Judges is a serious process where judicial expertise, legal learning, life’s experience and high integrity are components, but above all are two indispensables – social philosophy in active unison with the socialistic articles of the Constitution, and second, but equally important, built-in resistance to pushes and pressures by class interests, private prejudices, government threats and blandishments, party loyalties and contrary economic and politicial ideologies projecting into pronouncements.

Justice Krishna lyer goes on to say in his inimitable style :

JUSTICE Cardozo approvingly quoted President Theodore Roosevelt’s stress on the social philosophy of the Judges, which shakes and shapes the course of a nation and, therefore, the choice of Judges for the higher Courts which makes and declares the law of the land, must be in tune with the social philosophy of the Constitution. Not mastery of the law alone, but social vision and creative craftsmanship are important inputs in successful justicing.

What is necessary is to have Judges who are prepared to fashion new tools, forge new methods, innovate new strategies and evolve a new jurisprudence, who are  judicial statesmen with a social vision and a creative faculty and who have, above all, a deep sense of commitment to the Constitution with an activist approach and obligation for accountability, not to any party in power nor to the opposition nor to the classes which are vociferous but to the half- hungry millions of India who are continually denied their basic human rights. We need Judges who are alive to the socio-economic realities of Indian life, who are anxious to wipe every tear from every eye, who have faith in the constitutional values and who are ready to use law as an instrument for achieving the constitutional objectives. This has to be the broad blueprint of the appointment project for the higher echelons of judicial service. It is only if appointments of Judges are made with these considerations weighing predominantly with the appointing authority that we can have a truly independent judiciary committed only to the Constitution and to the people of India. The concept of independence of the judiciary is a noble concept which’ inspires the constitutional scheme and constitutes the- foundation on which rests the edifice of our democratic polity. If there is one principle which runs through the entire fabric of the Constitution, it is the principle of the rule of law and under the Constitution, it is the judiciary which is entrusted with the task of keeping every organ of the State within the limits of the law and thereby making the rule of law meaningful and effective. It is to aid the judiciary in this task that the power of judicial review has been conferred upon the judiciary and it is by exercising this power which constitutes one of the most potent weapons in armory of the law, that the judiciary seeks to protect the citizen against violation of his constitutional or legal rights or misuse or abuse of power by the State or its officers. The judiciary stands between the citizen and the State as a bulwark against executive excesses and misuse or abuse of power by the executive and therefore it is absolutely essential that the judiciary must be free from executive pressure or influence and this has been secured by the Constitution-makers by making elaborate provisions in the Constitution to which detailed reference has been made in the judgments in Sankalchand Sheth case. But it is necessary to remind ourselves that the concept of independence of the judiciary is not limited only to independence from executive pressure or influence but it is a much wider concept which takes within its sweep independence from many other pressures and prejudices. It has many dimensions, namely, fearlessness of other power centres, economic or political, and freedom from prejudices acquired and nourished by the class to which the Judges belong. If we may again quote the eloquent words of Justice Krishna Iyer :INDEPENDENCE of the Judiciary is not genuflexion ; nor is it opposition to every proposition of government. It is neither Judiciary made to Opposition measure nor government’s pleasure.

The tycoon, the communalist, the parochialist, the faddist, the extremist and radical reactionary lying coiled up and subconsciously shaping judicial mentations are menaces to judicial independence when they are at variance with Parts III and IV of the Paramount Parchment. Judges should be of stern stuff and tough fibre, unbending before power, economic or political, and they must uphold the core principle of the rule of law which says, “Be you ever so high, the law is above you.” This is the principle of independence of the judiciary which is vital for the establishment of real participatory. democracy, maintenance of the rule of law as a dynamic concept and delivery of social justice to the vulnerable S. of the community. It is this principle of independence of the judiciary which we must keep in mind while interpreting the relevant provisions of the Constitution” (emphasis supplied)

(7) It is no wonder that such an approach will be vehemently opposed by the creditors and, the concerned Bank/FI authorities will fight up to the Supreme Court. In this connection it is relevant to submit that this attitude of the statutory authorities like banks and financial institutions, has been criticized by the Supreme Court vide following extracts from its famous judgment decided on 30.10.2009 in the matter of Urban Improvement Trust, Bikaner vs Mohan Lal , citation  being (2010) 1 SCC 512; 2009 AIOL 1235 :-

“4. It is a matter of concern that such frivolous and unjust litigation by governments and statutory authorities are on the increase. Statutory Authorities exist to discharge statutory functions in public interest. They should be responsible litigants. They cannot raise frivolous and unjust objections, nor act in a callous and highhanded manner. They can not behave like some private litigants with profiteering motives. Nor can they resort to unjust enrichment. They are expected to show remorse or regret when their officers act negligently or in an overbearing manner. When glaring wrong acts by their officers is brought to their notice, for which there is no explanation or excuse, the least that is expected is restitution/restoration to the extent possible with appropriate compensation. Their harsh attitude in regard to genuine grievances of the public and their indulgence in unwarranted litigation requires to be corrected.

5. This Court has repeatedly expressed the view that the governments and statutory authorities should be model or ideal litigants and should not put forth false, frivolous, vexatious, technical (but unjust) contentions to obstruct the path of justice. We may refer to some of the decisions in this behalf.

5.1 In Dilbagh Rai Jarry v. Union of India [1973 (3) SCC 554] where this Court extracted with approval, the following statement (from an earlier decision of the Kerala High Court):

“The State, under our Constitution, undertakes economic activities in a vast and widening public sector and inevitably gets involved in disputes with private individuals. But it must be remembered that the State is no ordinary party trying to win a case against one of its own citizens by hook or by crook; for the State’s interest is to meet honest claims, vindicate a substantial defence and never to score a technical point or overreach a weaker party to avoid a just liability or secure an unfair advantage, simply because legal devices provide such an opportunity. The State is a virtuous litigant and looks with unconcern on immoral forensic successes so that if on the merits the case is weak, government shows a willingness to settle the dispute regardless of prestige and other lesser motivations which move private parties to fight in court. The lay-out on litigation costs and executive time by the State and its agencies is so staggering these days because of the large amount of litigation in which it is involved that a positive and wholesome policy of cutting back on the volume of law suits by the twin methods of not being tempted into forensic show-downs where a reasonable adjustment is feasible and ever offering to extinguish a pending proceeding on just terms, giving the legal mentors of government some initiative and authority in this behalf. I am not indulging in any judicial homily but only echoing the dynamic national policy on State litigation evolved at a Conference of Law Ministers of India way back in 1957.

5.3 In a three Judge Bench judgment of Bhag Singh & Ors. v. Union Territory of Chandigarhthrough LAC, Chandigarh [(1985) 3 SCC 737]:

“3… The State Government must do what is fair and just to the citizen and should not, as far as possible, except in cases where tax or revenue is received or recovered without protest or where the State Government would otherwise be irretrievably be prejudiced, take up a technical plea to defeat the legitimate and just claim of the citizen.”

6. Unwarranted litigation by governments and statutory authorities basically stem from the two general baseless assumptions by their officers. They are:

(i)   All claims against the government/statutory authorities should be viewed as illegal and should be resisted and fought up to the highest court of the land.

(ii)  If taking a decision on an issue could be avoided, then it is prudent not to decide the issue and let the aggrieved party approach the Court and secures a decision.

The reluctance to take decisions, or tendency to challenge all orders against them, is not the policy of the governments or statutory authorities, but is attributable to some officers who are responsible for taking decisions and/or officers in charge of litigation. Their reluctance arises from an instinctive tendency to protect themselves against any future accusations of wrong decision making, or worse, of improper motives for any decision making.”

(7.1) On account of the above attitude of the statutory authorities like banks and financial institutions, so long as the business is going all right, they even take the credit, but the moment business goes through a rough phase, these authorities, instead of helping, rush to court of law for recovery even indulging into multiple legal actions. In court of law also they oppose everything and fight up to the Supreme Court. It is also important to note here that at present many DRTs in the country are not having regular POs. As a result, pendency is going up day by day.

(8) Still further, in support of my above contentions, kindly have a look at the following news item and then decide yourself, who is the real culprit.

“ONE LAKH CRORE CREDITS ON INDUSTRIALIST FAMILIES
http://jaipur.co/one-lakh-crore-credits-on-industrialist-families/

Jaipur: The reputation of the government bank is losing its credibility because of Industrialist families. The loan of 1.5 lakh crore taken by the government bank is still missing, out of which more than 70 percent loan is taken by the industrialist families.

On Sunday (30.10.2011), All India Bank Officers Association’s two day conference being here in which this issue was brought in to light. The National President Alok Khare and General Secretary R.J. Sridharan said in the meeting that private banks earned around 45 thousand crore in the year 2011, but because of centre’s leniency around 20 thousand crore rupees is being distributed like corporate loan.

The banks which are running on the orders of the Reserve Bank publish the defaulter list of the common people but they don’t have the list of the defaulters of the corporate families. According to the bankers, in the Bank Director’s meeting also this list is never mentioned, because of which till today the list have not come into existence. Some specialists blame the government for this.For the common man there are norms to return the money in a given time whereas there are no norms for the corporate families. There are laws of recovery but it is only implemented on the common man.” (emphasis supplied)

CONCLUSION

(9) The impugned concept may be explained in the following terms;

(a)The literal rule of interpretation really means that there should be no interpretation. In other words, we should read the statute as it is, without distorting or twisting its language.

(b) Consequently, in author’s view, the three Provisos inserted by the Amendment Act, 2004 to section 19 of DRT Act are plain and clear. Hence, the literal rule of interpretation will apply to it. Further, even if there is a conflict between equity and the law, it is the law which must prevail. The law, which is contained in the three Provisos, is clearly in favour of my aforesaid contentions.

(c) The language of the three Provisos inserted by the Amendment Act, 2004 to section 19 of DRT Act is clear and hence all concerned would have to follow that language.

(d) The function of the Court is only to expound the law and not to legislate. If, we accept the interpretation put in ‘Transcore SC judgment’, the Supreme Court will really be legislating because in the guise of interpretation the Court will be really amending the three Provisos inserted by the Amendment Act, 2004 to section 19 of DRT Act.(END)